The resignation of Bulgaria's Socialist premier calmed raging anti-Communist sentiment, but it hasn't done anything to solve the country's deep economic and political crisis. Unrelenting pressure from the opposition in Parliament and from strikes and street demonstrations forced Premier Andrei Lukanov and his government of former Communists to leave office on Thursday. Tens of thousands of people cheered in the streets of Sofia, an opposition stronghold. But Lukanov's demise may prove a Pyrrhic victory. The main opposition group, the Union of Democratic Forces, must now prove it can help solve Bulgaria's social and economic woes. ``Not even Jesus can fill Bulgarian stores,'' Lukanov said in a recent speech. A new coalition government probably will be announced next week. So far, nothing has been revealed about who will head it, whether it will be a collection of nonpolitical experts or draw in equal numbers on opposition parties and the still-powerful Socialists. The Union of Democratic Forces opposition had long criticized Lukanov for mismanagement, demanding that he step down. But it is questionable whether anybody could manage Bulgaria's economy, which is so dependent on the collapsing Soviet bloc that it can only reflect the chaos of that disintegrating alliance. The opposition case against Lukanov always seemed to rest more on a desire to get the former Communists out of office. The opposition, and many of its Western supporters, seemed convinced it would win June elections. When the Socialists won, the opposition formally accepted the result, but has seemed unable to live with it since. Street demonstrations got under way almost immediately, with students around the country occupying universities to force the resignation of Socialist President Petar Mladenov. Mladenov bowed to the pressure in early July. Then it took three weeks of Byzantine political wrangling to get Zhelyu Zhelev, formerly the opposition leader, appointed president. Lukanov, seen by observers as one of the few capable politicians in Bulgaria, was widely credited with persuading the Socialists to accept Zhelev. But the opposition never came through with the tacitly implied second part of the deal: agreement to join the former Communists in Lukanov's government. Backed by some Western diplomats, the opposition apparently felt the Socialists were a spent political force bound to disintegrate. For his part, Lukanov refused to break with the Socialist Party, arguing that it stood for his social democratic ideals. Lukanov eventually appointed an all-Socialist government but continued to battle for broad support, arguing this was vital to a vague but sweeping program of economic reform. Meanwhile, the economy and society slid into chaos. Electricity and food rationing began in Sofia and other cities in September. Stores have grown barer since. Power is now shut off two hours in every four in the capital. The worst outburst of violence came in late August, when an angry crowd invaded Socialist Party headquarters, burning and pillaging several offices. Last week, the opposition took the decisive step of walking out of Parliament. A general strike by the main opposition union this week proved the final blow to the Socialist government. Although the political parties are said to have agreed on a transition government until new elections are held in May, there is virtually no evidence of political unity. The Socialist Party draws on 100 years of tradition and is even older than the Soviet Communist movement, but remains severely split. The unwieldy opposition coalition of 16 parties also is deeply divided, and boasts few figures of Lukanov's caliber. On Friday, Sofia returned to its bitter reality. The shoppers glumly queuing for food know the new government is unlikely to make life much better. ``Even though I am stepping down, my economic and social program has no alternative,'' Lukanov told the Grand National Assembly in his farewell speech Friday. In his last weeks before resigning, Lukanov pushed for radical market-oriented reforms including an austerity budget that would jack up many state-controlled prices, close down unprofitable firms and introduce guarantees for foreign investments. If Bulgaria does not carry out radical reforms soon, it could find itself lagging far behind ``the European train'' of change, Lukanov told reporters. ``I'm afraid we have already missed the train,'' he added. --- EDITORS: Veselin Toshkov, AP correspondent in Sofia, has worked in posts in Bulgaria and abroad for 15 years.
